Tale of Ki Ageng Mangir and Pembayun

According to Babad Tanah Jawi, a chronicle, Ki Ageng Mangir or Raden Jaka balud or Ki Ageng Megatsari was the son of King Brawijaya V or King Kertabumi, king of Majapahit in the 14th certury.

In the collapse of Majapahit Empire, King Brawijaya’s descents preferred to travel westward and settle in fertile regions, the former of Old Mataram Kingdom. In Babad Tanah Jawi, Raden Megatsari was interested in coconut trees at Progo river bank. That area was also home of many animals.People followed Ki Ageng Mangir and settled at Mangir village and live happily as farmer and making coconut sugar.

After Ki Ageng Mangir I died, the village was led by Ki Ageng Mangir II or Raden Wonoboyo. He was the leader, guru and whom to ask for the village people. Even, Ki Ageng Mangir influence reached villages in the vicinity. Ki Ageng Mangir led his village with cooperation action (gotong royong) and Islam belief. Ki Ageng was also democratic leader, and independent and he was not influenced by other community.
When Pajang supremacy replaced to Mataram in 1589, Mangir was in peaceful situation and Ki Ageng  mangir I died and succeeded by his son, Ki Ageng Mangir Wonoboyo III or Ki Ageng Mangir IV. Ki Ageng Mangir IV was still young and he was single, interested in arts and culture. He was proud of having Kiai Barukuping or Kiai Baruklinting spear.

Senopati Ing Ngalaga Ing Mataram after promoted as Sultan of pajang did not want to stay in Pajang palace and he used title panembahan Senopati instead. Panembahan means leader, teacher of society. He guided society with culture. Panembahan Senopati heard that Mangir which was located not far from Mataram did not want to be the subordinate of Mataram.
Ki Ageng Mangir reasons for his resistance was religious faith, he did not want to worship human or other creatures of God as like in the following song verse :Pan Allah kang andarbeni bumi, aku suwita ing Allahutangala, ora ngawula senopati, jer pada titahing Pangeran (Isn’t in God who owns the world, i am servat of God , not Senopati as we are both God’s creature)

Ki Ageng Mangir wanted to defense his ancestor’s land, who opened the forest without asking anyone’s assistance, and why should he surrender this to other someone? Ki Ageng Mangir, felt that he had authority over Mangir, and that he was on the right side and felt stronger than Senopati.

The Younf Ki Ageng Magir disobedience  was known by Panembahan Senopati and his adviser, Ki Juru Martani and other followers. Panembahan Senopati tried to look for the best way out for this to conquer Mangir. Panembahan Senopati had an experience with his father, Ki Ageng Pemanahan, Ki Penjawi, Ki Juru Martani who finished the rebellion of Arya Penangsang, adipati Jipang Panolan. But that kind of method would not be applied to Mangir, Panembahan Senopati said. Mangir will be treated in more human and cultured way.

Putri Pembayun was the beloved daughter of Panembahan Senopati, she voluntarily became a messenger to conquer Ki Ageng Mangir Wonoboyo. Mataram knew that Ki Ageng Mangir and his ancestors were relatives of Majapahit. This story spread since Ki Ageng Pemanahan and Sunan Kalijaga were still alive. So the relation was broken due to distance and firrefernt beliefs. Therefore, this matter should be finished with peaceful way. Mataram men undercover as troupe. The troupe  constituted of prominent Mataram men. Adipati Martalaya under covered  as Dalang (puppeteer) Sandiguna led this secret mission  assisted by Ki Jayasupanta , Ki Sandisasmita and Ki Suradipa as gamelan players. Retna Pembayun played as waranggana or singer and as daughter of Ki Dalang and accompanied by Nyai Adirasa.

The troupe carried gamelan, wayang and numerous gamelan players. And finally they arrived in Mangir.    Ki Ageng Mangir accepted their visit as this village was having celebration after harvest time. The wayang show was held, and the single Ki Ageng Mangir was attracted to the singer who sat behind the Dalang. The troupe then entertained by various menus in Ki Ageng house. The house was quiet as the owner was single man. And later Ki Ageng mangir who fell in love with the singer proposed her and they both married. By the marriage, actually that Mangir was already part of Mataram Palace.

Ki Mangir did not know that his wife was Pembayun, the princess of Mataram. He did not want to obey Mataram, but he had been son in law of Mataram. Ki Ageng Mangir was really in a crossroad. He loved his wife very much, but to attend to Mataram would be a disgrace to Mangir and his ancestor who had built Mangir, and his ancestor message to keep the independent of Mangir bothered him.

Nyai Ageng Manir, or Retno Pembayun kept asking her husband to meet her father. Ki Ageng Mangir thought why princess of Mataram agreed to marry him? Finally he agreed to meet his father in law in Mataram. mangir pride should be with him, his spear, Kiai barukuping. He should be there as a knight, as equal as in Mangir there is no more casta or paying obeisance. Mataram has prepared ceremony to welcome them. Ki Ageng and Nyai Ageng Mangir who was pregnant, were followed by relatives. They headed to the palace of Mataram (currently Kotagede). At the palace, everything had been set,  Ki Ageng Mangir’s followers and relatives were set to rest and entertained in dining room.

Ki Ageng Mangir was asked to disarmed, including his spear should be left. He took position to sungkem, kneel and respect in front of Panembahan Senopati as his father in law (Javanese tradition). The room was silence. When Ki Ageng Mangir touched the ground to sungkem, suddenly Panembahan Senopati attacked him for politic revenge.Ki Ageng Mangir died, while Pembanyun cried seeing that.

Probably Pembayun loved Ki Ageng Mangir, She probably did not know her father’s plan. And probably she was the victim of power ambition.

Legend of Rara Mendut and Pranacitra : Javanese Romeo and Juliet

Roro Mendut was a very beautiful lady who had strong will. Her beauty could make men’s hearts melt, from just common men to noble men or battle commander. One day Roro Mendut was kidnapped by Adipati Pragolo II, who reigned Pati and wanted to make her as one of his concubines. But before he could make her one, Roro Mendut was taken by commander of Mataram, Tumenggung Wiraguna who wanted to make her as his concubine as well. Here is the story of the legendary Roro Mendut,.

Long time ago, on the northern coast of Java, notably on the coast of pati, Central Java, there was a fishermen village, Teluk Cikal. The village was part of Pati Regency reigned by Adipati Pragolo II. Pati was one of regions conquered by Mataram Sultanate reigned by Sultan Agung.

IN Teluk Cikal village lived a girl, Roro Mendut. She was very beautiful. And she could straight forward-ly rejected men proposing her, as she had young man whom she loved, Pranacitra, the son of Nyai Singabarong, a rich trader.

Oneday, her beauty was heard by Adipati Pragolo II. And he wanted to make her as his concubine. He had asked her over and over again, but Rara Mendut kept rejecting him. He was disappointed and he sent few guards to kidnap her when she was drying fish nearby beach. She tried hard to escaped from the guards but she failed. They brought Roro Mendut to horse carriage and took her to palace. As future concubine, she should stay inside the palace (pingit = old Javanese tradition for girl over 12 years until her wedding day), and she was accompanied by Ni Semangka and her assistance Genduk Duku). When she was in pingit period, Pati Regency was having an upheaval. Sultan Agung accused Adipati Pragolo II as rebellion as he did not want to send tribute to Mataram. Sultan Agung attacked Pati, and led the assault himself. According to folktale, Sultan Agung could not hurt him as Adipati Pragolo wore armour of kere waja. Seeing this the umbrella holder of Sultan Agung , Ki Nayadarma, asked Sultan Agung to fight with Adipati Pragolo II. Sultan Agung allowed him and gave him Baru Klinting spear.

Ki Nayadarma fought with Adipati Pragolo II, but Adipati Pragolo II could avoid every attack from Nayadarma. When Adipati Pragolo was careless, KI Nayadarma stabbed Adipati Pragolo II with Baru Klinting spear, to part of body uncovered by armor. Adipati Pragolo II died.  All soldiers led by Tumenggung Witaguna seized Pati belonging, including Roro Mendut. Tumenggung Wiraguna was mesmerized by Rara Mendut beauty and he brought Rara Mendut to Mataram to be his concubine. Tumenggung Wiraguna persuaded her to be his concubine, but she rejected, even she said frankly that she had a lover already, Pranacitra. Her frankness made Tumenggung Wiraguna angry. He finally threatened that if she did not want to be his wife, she should pay tax to Mataram. Rara Mendut was not afraid of that threat. She preferred to pay tax than being Wiraguna’s concubine. Monitored by Mataram soldiers, Rara Mendut was allowed to sell cigarettes at market. Tumenggung Wiraguna agreed, and Rara Mendut could sell her cigarettes well, even people (men) crowded buying cigarettes that she had smoked. She was popular in the market for her cigarettes and for her beauty. Oneday, when she was selling cigarretes, she met Pranacitra who came for her. Pranacitra tried to find a way to get Rara Mendut out of Mataram. Rara Mendut told her meeting with Pranacitra to Princess Arumardi, one of Wiraguna’s concubine, hoping that she could help her to escape. Rara Mendut knew that Princess Arumardi did not agree Wiraguna would make another concubine. Princess Arumardi and Nyai Ageng (another Wiraguna’s concubine), planned a way to get Rara Mendut out of the palace. Rara Mendut and Pranacitra tried to return to their home village, Pati.

Unfortunately, Rara Mendut and Pranacitra escape was smelled by Wiraguna, and they were found by Wiraguna. Rara Mendut was taken to Mataram and quietly he ordered his men to kill Pranacitra. Pranacitra died and  wasburied in a small forest in Ceporan, Gandhu, 9 km east of Yogyakarta.

Wiraguna then asked Rara Mendut to be his concubine. But Rara Mendut rejected him again, finally he told her about the death of Pranacitra. Mendut did not believe that and said that she saw him yesterday. . Tumenggung Wiraguna then took her to Pranacitra’s grave. She cried at the grave of Pranacitra. Not far from the grave of Pranacitra, Rara Mendut threated Tumenggung Wiraguna that she would tell Sultan Agung about this. Tumenggung Wiraguna was angry and he drew Rara Mendut home. She struggled to get loose of Wiraguna, when she could released herself she drew Wiraguna’s keris, and ran to her lover’s grave. Wiraguna ran after her. Rara Mendut killed herself, and Wiraguna failed to stop her . She stabbed herself with keris and she fell to Pranacitra’s grave. Wiraguna was very sorry for his mistake. But his sorry was useless everything had happened. To amend his mistake, Wiraguna buried Rara Mendut at the same grave as Pranacitra. That was the story of Rara Mendut struggling for her dignity and loyalty.

Rara Mendut Tale from Pati, Central Java is still told as symbol of true love by Javanese. By YM Mangunwijaya, this story was written in trilogy, Rara Mendut, Gendukku, and Lusi Lindri. A Movie adapted from the novel was also made, directed by Ami Prijono with title Rara Mendut. In 2008, a trilogy novel was published in a compilation : Rara Mendut: Sebuah Trilogi.

The message of this tale is that wealth, position, could not guarantee to get true love. True love present from understanding and accepting each other as Pranacitra and Rara Mandut.

Kalingga (Ho-ling) Kingdom, Central Java, Indonesia

Ho-ling appeared in the period of Syailendra dynasty expansion. Before this, China record from Early Sung Dynasty  (420-470), called Java with  She-p’o, but later China record from Tang Dynasty (618-906) called Javanese as Ho-ling until 818. Nonetheless Java name as She-p’o appeared again in 820-856 M.  (Marwati Djoened Poesponegoro & Nugroho Notosusanto)

Holing Kingdom was written in Tang Dynasty Chronicles  that reigned in 618-906. According tho the chronic Ho-ling people ate using hands, not spoon or chopstick, and they loved eating tuak, a fermented sap of flower bud of any of a number of species palm /aren. The capital of Ho-ling was encircled with wooden fence. King stayed in a two floor palace with palma leave roof. The king sat on a bench made of ivory, and used bamboo weaving mat. Holing was recorded having a hill, called as Lang-pi-ya, visited by king to see ocean.  (Proyek Penelitian dan Pencatatan Kebudayaan Daerah, 1978)

Other source about the existence of Ho-ling is Buddha priest, I Tsing, who stated that in 664 there was a priest Hwi Ning from Ho-ling and lived there for 3 years. With the assistance of Ho-ling priest, Jnanabhadra, he translated numerous Buddhist holy books of Hinayana (Soekomono 1973)

There are two sources from China, from Tang dynasty which gave information about Holing Kingdom. Both versions are from Chiu-tang and Hsin Tang Shu, which gave information abour Ho-ling as follows: ‘Ho-ling, also called as She-p’o is located on the southern sea. On the east of it located P’o-li and on the west is To-p’o-teng. On the south is ocean amd on the north is Chen-la’ (Marwati & Nugroho, 1984).

From information from China in the era of Tang king  (618-906 M) mention Kaling or Ho-ling kingdom, located in central Java. The land was very fertile and also located source of salt water. People live in prosperity and harmony (Soemono 1973)

Other source mentions an analyse according to China source. Krom’s opinion is that in the end on 7th century there was a queen reigned. Krom appointed that Ho-ling was located in Central Java. From Krom opinion and Tang chronic that mentions La-pi-ya to see ocean, possibly that Ho-ling was located   on the northern littoral of central Java. Drs Pitono research concluded that Ho-ling Kingdom was possibly located between Pundahpayung-Salatiga. (Proyek Penelitian dan Pencatatan Kebudayaan Daerah, 1978)

Lang-pi-ya people, according to Hsin-tang-shu, erected 8 feet high and 4 feet 2 inches long gnomon in the middle of summer. The shadow would fall on the southward. From the shadow and the height of gnomon, can be calculated that Ho-ling was located 6˚ 8’ N, means Ho-ling was not located in Java. But the writer, Hsin-tang-su made two mistakes. First the shadow should be done in winter. Second, the shadow falls northward. If this revision is accepted, then Ho-ling was located in 6 ˚ 8’ S, on the north coast of Java Island. This correction which is actually according to Lang-pi-ya information is located at Krapyak village, nearby Gunung Lasem. (Marwati & Nugroho, 1984).

That correction was strengthened by Buddhist priest, ITsing that stated in 664 came Hwi-Ning from Ho-ling and lived there for 3 years. From that source can be drawn a conclusion that in 664, there was a kingdom which adhered Buddhist and was popular.  The kingdom was Kalingga located in central Java (approximately located in Keling Kelep district, Jepara) according to dhammacakka.or.id. There is another source mentions that Ho-ling was the root of Jepara( suaramerdeka.com).

In 674-675 (notably in 674 M) Ho-ling voted and promoted a queen, named Simo. She ruled her kingdom very strictly yet wisely that her kingdom was always in peace. There was a story about Queen Simo. There was a king who would attack Ho-ling. First he tried to observe Ho-ling situation by putting golden coins on streets. As Ho-ling people were honest, no one took the golden coins. The king’s name was Ta-shih. For three years the coins were there on street and accidentally royal prince stepped on the coins. She ordered death sentence for him, but ministers begged for mercy, and she changed her decision to cut his leg as his leg did mistake. Again, ministers begged only his fingers cut. KNowing this, king Ta-shih cancelled his intention to attack Ho-ling.

The king or queen lived in  She-p’o city, but Ki-yen moved the capital to eastward to P’o-lu-Chia-ssu. There are 28 kingdoms in the vicinity which were under She-p’o. According to Ying-huan-tche-lio, the capital was moved due to war in the period of  T’ien-pao in742-755  (Marwati & Nugroho, 1984).

Holing produced turtle shell, gold, silver, rhino horn, and ivory. There was a cave that always expelled salt water called as bludug. People employed the salt source.

China source, I Tsing memoar, a Buddhist priest from China and Dynasty Sung chronic: in 664-667, Chinese Buddhist Hwu-ning with his assiatance Yun-ki visited Ho-ling. Both priests with Joh-na po-t’o-lo translated Buddhist holy book, on Nirwana chapter. This translation brought back to China. According to I-Tsing, the Buddha book was translated differently than Budha Mahayana book. According to Sung Dinasty record reigned after Tang dynasty, the translation told about the cremating of Buddha body, and the bones that were not burnt were collected as sacred relics. So Ho-ling, obviuosly, Ho-ling was Buddhist and adhered Hinayana Buddhist Mulasarastiwada. Sung dynasty chronicle mantions that Yun-ki led and legalized Jnanabhadra as Buddhist priest.  (Marwati & Nugroho, 1984).

In the period of Chen kuang  (627-649 M), Ho-ling king with king  To-ho-lo To-p’o-teng, sent tribute to China and in return China sent tribute stamped by China kingdom, and king To-ho-lo asked for best horses and granted by caesar of China. Ho-ling sent another tribute in 666, 767, and 768. In 813, messengers brought 4 slaves, parrot and a bird and other things. Caesar was so fond of this and gave the messenger a title. But the messenger asked caesar to give the title to his brother. Caesar was impressed by that attitude and gave title to both. (Marwati & Nugroho, 1984:).

RA Kartini Museum

Raden Ajeng Kartini can be mentioned as the first  modern indigenous Indonesian women, as she tried and wrote her thought to break Javanese patriarch old tradition about freedom, autonomy and law equality for women.

Kartini Museum is located in the center of Jepara city, notably in panggang village, Jepara, next to Jepara Pendopo. This museum was built on 30 March 1975, in the period of mayor Soemarno Djojomardowo, and officially opened in 1977 by mayor Soedikto.

The museum is outlined into three parts. The first part is Kartini Museum. The second is Sosrokartono Museum (brother of Kartini who was graduated from Leiden University and popular as doctor of mineral water, and mastered 26 foreign language and involved in Indonesia independent movement. The third is archaeology museum displays old items in Jepara.

Here displays items and photos of Kartini and her brother Sosrokartono, quotations from Kartini’s letter carved in wood and replica of Kartini’s desk. In archaeology museum displayed ceramics, handicrafts, carving, batik troso, bamboo and rattan weaving. Visitor also can see gigantic fish bone named as Joko Tua fish. This is the skull of Elephant Whale, a whale has a trunk found in Karimunjawa Sea.

 

Kartini, Javanese Princess who Inspires Indonesian Women

Raden AJen Kartini was born in 21 April 1879, in Jepara, Central Java. She was one Jepara mayor Raden Mas Adipati Ario Sosroningrat’s 12 children from several wives. She was graduated froom elementary school which was privilege for those who belonged to royal family or Dutch decent.  and she was not allowed to continue her study by her parents. She was forced to the Javanese pingit tradition, a girl over 12 years old should stay at home until a man marry her.

During that quiet days of hers, she wrote and sent many letters to her friends abroad, expressing her ideas and spirit to rebel against old tradition which discriminated woman in many aspects. At the age of 24, an age considered too old for marriage at that time, Kartini obeyed her father to marry Raden Adipati Aryo Joyoningrat, Rembang mayor, who was already 50 years old and had three wives and dozens of children.

The marriage dashed her ambition to continue her studies abroad, though she had obtained a scholarship to study in Europe. She lived in Rembang with her husband. Her husband supported her and Kartini built women school in Rembang.  From her marriage she had one son, RM Soesalit, who was born in 1904. Few days after giving birth, Kartini died, in the age of 25. Her grave is located in Bulu village, Bulu, Rembang.

In 1912, Yayasan Kartini, continued Kartini struggle by erecting Women School in Semarang in 1912 and later built same school in Surabaya, Yogyakarta, Malang, Madiun, Cirebon and other regions. The schools are named as Sekolah Kartini. Yayasan Kartini (institution) was founded by Van Deventer, an ethic politician.

Letters of Kartini to her friends in Europe was then published entitled  Door Duisternis Tot Licht . Those letters were collected by JH Abendanon, as the Minister of Culture, Religion and Handicraft of Nederland Indies. 

 

Javanese Ethnography

Identification. The Javanese are Indonesia’s largest ethnic group and the world’s third-largest Muslim ethnic group, following Arabs and Bengalis. “Wong Djawa” or “Tijang Djawi” are the names that the Javanese use to refer to themselves. The Indonesian term for the Javanese is “Orang Djawa.” The term djawa has been traced to the Sanskrit word yava, “barley, grain.” The name is of great antiquity and appears in Ptolemy’s Geography. Location. The Javanese primarily occupy the provinces of East and Central Java, although there are also some Javanese on other Indonesian islands. Java, one of the  largest islands of Indonesia. The climate is tropical, with a dry season from March to September and a wet season from September to March. Mountains and plateaus are somewhat cooler than the
lowlands. Demnography. The Javanese population was 2 million in 1775. In 1900 the population of the island was 29 million and in 1990 it was estimated to be over 109 million (including the small island of Madura). Jakarta, the capital city, then had a population of about 9.5 million people. Some areas of
Java have close to the highest rural population density in the world: the average density is 1,500 persons per square mile and in some areas it is considerably higher. In 1969 Jay reported a population density of 6,000-8,000 persons per square kilometer in residential areas of rural Modjokuto. Population growth combined with small and fragmented landholdings has produced severe problems of overcrowding and poverty.
Linguistic Affiliation. The Javanese are bilingual. They speak Bahasa Indonesia, the Indonesian  national language, in public and in dealings with other ethnic groups, but at home and among themselves they speak Javanese. The Javanese language belongs to the West Indonesian Branch of the Hesperonesian Subfamily of the Malayo-Polynesian Family. Javanese has a literary history dating back to the eighth century. The language has nine styles of speech, the uses of which are determined by principles of etiquette. There is a trend toward simplification of speech levels.

History and Cultural Relations
Wet-rice agriculture and state organization were present in Java before the eighth century. Indian influence between the eighth and fourteenth centuries produced a number of petty Shaivite/Buddhist kingdoms. The Madjapahit Empire flourished near the present city of Surabaja during the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries, during which time Indian Muslims and Chinese dominated international trade. When the center of power shifted to port towns during the sixteenth century, Indian and Malay Muslims dominated trade. The aristocracy adopted a form of Islam that had been influenced by south
Indian religious beliefs, and Islam spread.
The Mataram Kingdom rose in the sixteenth century and flourished until the middle of the eighteenth century. First the Portuguese, and later the Dutch, dominated trade during this period. The Dutch East India Company divided Mataram into several vassal states around 1750 and later these states came under the rule of the Dutch colonial government. Except for a brief period of British rule, Java remained
under Dutch rule; it was opened to private Dutch enterprise after 1850. A nationalist movement arose in the early twentieth century and communism was introduced. There was an unsuccessful revolution in the late 1920s. After Japanese occupation during World War II, Indonesia declared its independence. The Dutch transferred sovereignty to Indonesia in 1949 after four years of warfare.

Settlements
High population density imparts an urban quality to all of Java, including the rural areas. The majority of the population lives in small villages and towns and approximately 25 percent lives in cities. Population is evenly distributed and villages are often separated by no more than a few hundred meters. Villages are never more than 8 kilometers from a town. Although there are a number of towns and cities in
Java, the only cities with true urban and industrial characteristics are Jakarta, Surabaja, and Semarang. Landholdings are small and fragmented. The typical village house is small and rectangular. It is built directly on the ground and has a thatched roof. The inside has earthen floors and its small compartments are divided by movable bamboo panels. House styles are defined by the shape of the roof. Village houses that reflect urban influence have brick walls and tiled roofs. Large open pavilions at
the front are typical of houses of high-ranking administrative officers and members of the nobility.

Economy
Subsistence and Commercial Activities. Java has a dual economy with industrial and peasant sectors. The Dutch established plantations based on a Western model of business organization. This segment of the economy is now concerned with estate agriculture, mining, and industry. It is highly capitalized
and it produces primarily for export. Wet-rice agriculture is the principal activity of the peasant economy; fishing is important in coastal villages. Animal husbandry is not developed for want of space. A number of dry-season crops are produced for sale, and there are also some small-scale cottage
industries and a local market system. Industrial Arts. Small-scale industries are not well developed
because of problems in capital, distribution, and marketing. Cottage industries in Central Java Province are silver work, batik, handweaving, and the manufacture of native
cigarettes.
Trade. There are local markets, each servicing four to five villages throughout rural Java. The retailers are usually women.
Division of Labor. Javanese are primarily farmers, local traders, and skilled artisans. Intermediate trade and small industry are dominated by foreign Asians, and the large plantations and industries are owned by Europeans. In precolonial Java, the population was divided between royalty, with its
court and the nobility, and the peasantry. Two more classes emerged under colonialism and with the development of administrative centers. These classes are landless laborers and government officials, or prijaji. The prijaji are generally urban and there are several statuses. In rural areas farming remains
the predominant occupation. Some people engage in craft specializations and trade but these occupations are usually part-time. The majority of everyone’s time is spent on farming. In rural areas learned professionals such as teachers, spiritual leaders, and puppeteers are usually people from affluent families. These latter occupations have considerable prestige but they are also practiced only part-time. Local and central government officials have the highest prestige.
Land Tenure. Traditionally much of the land was held communally and communities recruited corv~e (unpaid labor) for the king, the nobility, or the colonial government. Even today, communal land is reserved for schools, roads, and cemeteries and for support of the village headman and his staff. The corv~e consisted of a group of villagers (kuli), who constituted the productive labor force of the village.
Communal land was allotted for usufruct as compensation to the kuli. In some places the kuli became a hereditary status included with the inheritance of the land. In addition, many Javanese villages have tracts of communal land allotted to the population for usufruct on a rotating basis. Individual holdings
are small.

Kinship
Kin Groups and Descent. Descent is bilateral and the basic kin group is the nuclear family (kulawarga). Two kindredlike groups are recognized by the Javanese. One is the golongan, an informal bilateral group whose members usually reside in the same village and who participate together in various ceremonies and celebrations. The alur wars, the second kindredlike group, is a more formal unit involved in caring for the graves of ancestors.
Kinship Terminology. Four principles govern Javanese kinship terminology. First, the system is bilateral; that is, the kin terms are the same whether the link is the father or the mother. The second principle is generational; that is, all the members of each generation are verbally grouped. The third
principle is seniority, a principle that subdivides each generation into junior and senior categories. Finally, the fourth principle is gender. There is a slight distinction made between nuclear-family relatives and others.
Marriage and Family
Marriage. Individuals usually choose their own spouses, although parents sometimes arrange marriages. Marriage is prohibited between members of the nuclear family, half siblings, and second cousins. Several types of marriage are disapproved of but people can avoid the supernatural sanctions associated with them by performing protective rituals. The idea of preferred marriages is not widely known. Marriage formalities include a gift to the bride’s parents from the groom’s relatives, a meeting of the bride’s relatives at her house the night before the ceremony, civil and religious ceremonies and transactions, and a ceremonial meeting of the couple. Divorce is common and is accomplished according to Muslim law. Most marriages are monogamous. Polygyny is practiced
only among the urban lower class, orthodox high-ranking prijaji, and the nobility.
There is no fixed postmarital residence rule, although the ideal is neolocal. Uxorilocal residence is common in southern Central Java Province. High-ranking prijaji and the nobility tend toward residence in either of the parents’ homes. Urban prijaji are neolocal. Domestic Unit. The Javanese term for “household” is somah. Peasants and the average urban prijaji live in monogamous nuclear-family households with an average population of five to six. High-ranking prijaji and the nobility have polygynous uterolocal extended families and are larger. Inheritance. Dwellings and their surrounding garden land are inherited by a married daughter or granddaughter after a period of coresidence. Fruit trees, domestic animals, and cultivable land are inherited equally by all the children, while heirlooms are usually inherited by a son.

Socialization. Children are treated indulgently until the age of two to four when inculcation and discipline begin. The most common methods of discipline are snarling, corporal punishment, comparison to siblings and others, and threat of external disapproval and sanctions. The latter type of discipline encourages children to be fearful and shy around strangers. Mothers are the primary socializing agents, as well as sources of affection and support, while fathers are more distant.
Older siblings often take care of young children. First menstruation for girls is marked simply by a slametan, or communal meal, while for boys circumcision, occurring between the ages of 6 and 12, is an important and dramatic event.

Sociopolitical Organization
Social Organization. Javanese social classes have a long history. During the time of the Mataram Kingdom, peasants were ruled by a landed nobility or gentry representing the king. The king allotted land to some people in an appanage system. Merchants lived in coastal and port towns where international trade was in the hands of Chinese, Indians, and Malays. The port towns were ruled by princes. This pattern prevailed until the colonial period. During that period, in addition
to the peasantry, two new classes arose, nonpeasant laborers and the prijaji. The prijaji, descendants of the precolonial administrative gentry, were “white-collar” workers and civil servants. There was a class of nobles (ndara) who could trace their descent from the rulers of the Mataram
Kingdom. During the twentieth century, there has been a trend toward
an egalitarian social system and a drive to make upward mobility available to all. By the middle of the twentieth century, peasants comprised the largest class and there was a growing class of landless agricultural laborers.

Political Organization. Indonesia is an independent republic and the head of state is President Suharto. The capital of Indonesia is Jakarta and the ministries of the national government
are located there. The ministries have branches at various levels from which they administer services. There are three provinces (propinsi) in Java. In addition, the Special Region of Jogjakarta, or Daerah Istimnewa Jogjakarta, has provincial status. There are five residencies (kar~sidinen) in each province. Each residency contains four or five districts (kaw~danan) and each district has four or five subdistricts
(katjamatan). There are ten to twenty village complexes (kalurahan in Javanese, desa in Indonesian) in each subdistrict. The smallest unit of administration is the dukuhan and each kalurahan contains two to ten of them. Some dukuhan contain a number of smaller villages or hamlets also called desa.
The kalurahan or desa is headed by an official called a lurah and the dukuhan is headed by a kamitua.

Social Control. In rural areas the neighborhood exerts the greatest pressures toward conformity with social values. The strongest sanctions are gossip and shunning. Kin seem to have less force than the neighborhood in exerting social control.
Conflict. Interpersonal conflict, anger, and aggression are repressed or avoided in Javanese society. In Java it is difficult to express differences of opinion. Direct criticism, anger, and annoyance are rarely expressed. The major method of handling interpersonal conflict is by not speaking to one another
(satru). This type of conflict resolution is not surprising in a society that represses anger and expression of true feelings. Concern with maintaining peaceful interactions results in not only the avoidance of conflict and repression of true feelings, but also in the prevalence of conciliatory techniques, particularly in status-bound relationships. One source of antagonism is between adherents of different religious orientations; this is related to class differences, prijaji versus abangan villagers (see under ‘Religious Beliefs”), and has much to do with rapid social change. Religion and Expressive Culture Religious

Beliefs. Virtually all Javanese are Muslims. In reality, the religion of the Javanese is syncretic, with Islam being laid over spiritual and mystical beliefs of Hindu-Buddhist and indigenous origins. The  difference in degree of adherence to the doctrines of Islam constitutes a dichotomy that pervades
Javanese culture. The santri are strict in their adherence to Islam while the abangan are not. This dichotomy has class and political-party implications. The peasant abangan knows the general structure of Islam but does not follow it to the letter. The abangan religion is a blend of indigenous beliefs, Hinduism-Buddhism, and Islam. In addition to Allah, abangan believe in several Hindu deities and numerous spirits that inhabit the environment. Abangan also believe in a form of magical power that is possessed by the dukun, who is a specialist in magical practices, a curer, and/or a sorcerer. The prijaji abangan religious practice is similar to that of the peasant abangan but it is somewhat more sophisticated. It has an elaborate philosophy of fate and is quite mystical. Asceticism and the practice of meditation are characteristic of prijaji abangan religion. Sects under the leadership of gurus
are typical. The santri are present among all social levels but they predominate in the commercial classes. The santri diligently comply with Islamic doctrine. They perform the required prayers five times a day, attend communal prayers at the mosque every Friday, fast during the month of Ramadan
(Pasa), do not eat pork, and make every effort to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca at least once.

Religious Practitioners. There are several types of religious practitioner in Islam. There are sects consisting of a guru or kijaji (teacher) and murid (disciple) dyads that are hierarchically organized. Individual kijaji attract students to their pondoks or pesantren (monasterylike schools) to teach Muslim doctrines and laws. In addition to the dominance of Islam, magic and sorcery are widely practiced among the Javanese. There are many varieties of dukun, each one dealing with specialized kinds of ritual such as agricultural rituals, fertility rituals, etc. Dukun also perform divination and curing.

Ceremonies. The communal meal, the slametan, is central to abangan practice and is sometimes also performed by santri. The function of the slametan is to promote slamet, a state of calmness and serenity. The slametan is performed within a household and it is usually attended by one’s closest
neighbors. Occasions for a slametan include important lifecycle events and certain points in the Muslim ceremonial calendar, otherwise it is performed for the well-being of the village.

Arts. Geertz (1964) describes three art “complexes,” each involving different forms of music, drama, dance, and literature. The Javanese shadow play, the wajang, is known worldwide
and is central to the alus (refined) art complex. The wajang uses puppets to dramatize stories from the Indian epics, the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, or from Java’s precolonial past. Wajang performances are accompanied by gamelan (percussion orchestras), which also have achieved
worldwide fame. Another art form associated with the alus complex is batik textile dyeing. The alus art complex is classical and traditional and is largely the domain of the prijaji. The other two art complexes are more popular, nationally shared, and Western-influenced.

Medicine. Doctors practicing scientific medicine are present and are consulted in Java, especially in urban areas, but curers and diviners continue to be important in all of Javanese culture. In addition to the dukun who perform magic rites, there are many dukun who cure illnesses. These latter dukun include curers who use magic spells, herbalists, midwives, and masseurs. It is said that even urban prijaji who regularly consult medical doctors may also consult dukun for particular illnesses and psychosomatic complaints.

Death and Afterlife. Funerals are held within hours ofdeath and they are attended by neighbors and close relatives who are able to arrive in time. A coffin is built and a grave is dug quickly while a village official performs rituals. A simple ceremony is held at the home of the deceased followed by a
procession to the graveyard and burial. A slametan is held with food provided by neighbors. Javanese funerals are marked with the same emotional restraint that characterizes other social interactions. Graves are visited regularly, especially at the beginning and end of the fasting month, and they
are tended by relatives. The Javanese believe in continuing ties with the dead and especially ties between parents and children. Children hold a number of slarnetans at intervals after death with the last held 1,000 days after the death. There are varying beliefs about life after death, including the standard Islamic concepts of eternal retribution, beliefs in spirits or ghosts who continue to influence events, and belief in reincarnation, the last sternly condemned by the orthodox Muslims.

M. MARLENE MARTIN in ENCYCLOPEDIA OF WORLD CULTURES

Baweanese, Orang babian, Oran Boyan, Orang Bawean or Boyanese

The Baweanese are the inhabitants of Bawean Island, on the north of Java, in the Java sea. This island is part of Indonesia. The original Baweanese  migrated there from Madura in the end of 14th century and today the Baweanese speak a dialect of Madurese, although they consider themselves to be different ethnic groups, as Bawean Islander, Orang babian, Oran Boyan, Orang Bawean and Boyanese. The Island population includes Diponggo, Kema, and Madurese. The first three have been essentially assimilated into Baweanese society, while the Madurese remains separate and are today economics rivals with the Baweanese. Outside of Indonesia they sometimes refer to themselves or are referred as Oran Boyan or Boyanese, the name which they are registered in Singapore, to focus their traditional migrations. Bawean is located on the north of Surabaya.

Strong migration ideal causes many Baweanese to leave. Conversely, people from Madura have migrated to Bawean. For this reason, Madurese numerically dominant group on Bawean. Another population group is represented by a village in north Bawean, called Diponggo, whose inhabitants originated in Java. The third group is Buginese from Sulawesi, as Diponggo people, they have long since been fully integrated into Bawean society to the point of losing their original cultural identity. The fourth and the most interesting subgroup is the Kemas, who originate from Palembang, Sumatra. Before the world war II, they dominated the economy of the island, but today they are economically no longer important. There are no exact population figures of these groups. The Madurese represents the largest group estimated about 20%. The other are much smaller, and the Kemas only counting several hundred members.
Encyclopaedia of the South-East Asian Ethnography: Communities and Tribes by Narendra S. Bisht,T. S. Bankoti

The language spoken by Baweanese is rather course Madurese, much influenced by Malay as spoken in Singapore and Malaysia. The long migration tradition to those countries is responsible for this phenomenon. The younger generation usually speaks national language. Roman script is comon, although the older generation prefers to write Indonesian with Arabic characters.

Geologically, Bawean is an old volcanic island, the volcano being no longer active. The highest peak in central Bawean is 2.100 feet asl. It encloses a large lake, Kastoba Lake. The climate is mild,and the difference between the monsoons are small. A coral reef surrounds the island make for rather dangerous sailing. The population inhabits the coastal areas with the exception of the village of Candi in central Bawean.

Large part of the island is covered with forest. However, the influx of Madurese, who grow maize and sweet potatoes on the slopes of the mountains, has resulted in deforestation. Communication with the outside world is maintained by sailing boats or prahu and ferry service from Gresik scheduled few times in a week.

The most outstanding feature of Bawean culture concerns the complex migration, merantau. It focuses on Singapore and Malaya west coast as merantau destination. Political developments after the WW II resulted in cutting off these traditional areas, but new areas were soon found within the archipelago with the Riau archipelago as the most popular substitute.

Baweanese orientation to merantau influenced other aspects of Bawean life. According to the migration tradition, only for men, but for women they remain stay in Bawean. As the result, society has very strong matrifocal. Women outnumber men inhabit the island, that this island is popular as pulau Putri Women Island. Merantau is still very strong withing Baweanese and even men migrate with their families.

Merantau to Singapore has strong Islam root. The will to make pilgrimage to Mecca appears as the dominant motive to migrate. Baweanese worked hard for period of time to continue journey to Mecca. And after pilgrimage, they worked again to make enough money to return home in Bawean. Finally, Singapore became the only purpose of migrating, to work as settle.

As Baweanese are staunch moslem, most social institutions such as marriage and inheritance are regulated by Islam laws. IN cases of disputes, religious courts bind both parties. Polygamy occurs as good thing to do, but still uncommon matter. There is a preference for arranged marriage with both parallel and cross cousins. Marriage nature is matrilocal.

But nowadays, free choice marriages prevail. Divorce rates are due to few factors such as long absence of the men in merantau areas and also by the arranged marriage by parents. Both factors seems to be not so important today.

Two typical of Baweanese personality affect their relationship with other people and related to their life style. They are very staunchy independent, perhaps a reflection of merantau tradition that takes independent action.  They do also participate in some communal activity such as mosque of madrasah building, cooperative action is not the norm. At the same time, they are not particularly enterprising and prefer a slower rather than faster pace of living.

Though they are originally from Madura, Baweanese developed their own culture and later influenced by Malay customs and values. Baweanese feel they are quiet different from Madurese, a feeling strengthened by economic rivalry. The Madurese attitude towards agriculture and life and leisure in general is more interesting. Madurese are more succesful economically. They harvest better crops, live thriftily and spend money buying new land.

Baweanese generally are strict moslem who take their daily obligation seriously, while Madurese immigrants absorbed as they are with their agricultural pioneering, take a much looser view of religious practice.

Madurese migrate to Bawean either alone or in groups of men only. They marry Bawean women, of whom there is a surplus. As soon as they are settled, they tend to integrate themselves into Bawean culture.

Relation between the Baweanese and the former dominate Bawean economy, the Kemas settled on the island, they intermarried with Baweanese. But the Kemas still live a rather separate life because of their former socially and economically higher status. Islam is an integrating agent as the Kemas participate in religious life of the island.

Farming, fishing and mat weaving are the most important economic aspects of Bawean. The income of Baweanese are supplemented by their families living in merantau areas. 60 per cent of the island is used for growing rice and maize. The individualism if islanders does not facilitate well irrigation system , dependent as that is on cooperation. Men and women involve in farming, but as the absence of men, women play major role. Baweanese use animals and even man power to plow soil. Baweanese non agricultural attitude does not make them enthusiast farmers, and the results are kinda poor.

Approximately 10% of the population is engaged in fishing or in related industries. The most important is mayang fishing, carried out most of the year, The fish in mayang, ikan layang (Desapterus kurra) are caught with large nets from boats, some of them motorized. The fish is sometimes sold on sea to traders from Java and Madura while the sea brough to Bawean is sold to local traders and part of it is made to pindang or salted fish, which is later sold in Java.

Mats weaving was once a well known product of Bawean, but it deteriorated as it requires intensive labour, which today is not economical. This is exclusively women’s work except for harvesting the pandanus leaves, the raw material of this mat, which is carried out by men.

Baweanese are moslem people and no other religion followed on the island. But substratum of the old influences can be observed everywhere, especially with magic and related practices.  Not much is known regarding the conversion of Baweanese to Islam. It is probably that Islam was brought by Baweanese migrants themselves, who were converted Islam when they are in merantau to Java. The population in Candi was only recently converted. They were known as animist but because of political and social pressures became moslem in 1960s.

The Baweanese are Sunni moslems. The greater part of them are orthodox, as opposed to small group of reformist who received their religious training at the well-known Islamic institute, Pondok Pesantren, in Gontor on Java Island. The differences are from the aspects of religious ceremonies such as selamatan held on occasion of birth, circumcision, marriage and death. Other differences are concerning the dress attending Friday prayer, burning incense, white magic use, special prayers for the death and mosque architecture.

The power and influence of local ulema or kiai is considerable. Ulema has prestige attached to professions, and occupies the highest position surpassing the formal worldly leaders. Ulema influenced is felt everywhere, and Baweanese consult with him for an important decision.

Baweanese observe all Moslem holy days- Idul Fitri, Idul Adha, Isra Miraj and two special festivals to celebrate the birthday of The Propher, Maulid Nabi. Maulud Masjid is organized by kiai or ulema who also decides material contribution made by participating villagers.

Maulud Lurah is organized by village leader, and is celebrated two days before Maulud. This occasion is used as a mean to show-off material wealth in the form of extravagant expenditures with the sole purpose of accentuating social status.

Two Sufi brotherhood, Naqshbandiyya and Qadiriyya are active on the island. Participants usually belong to both. They are a small minority since most Bawean kiai do not cooperate with leader of both brotherhood who is the same person. The members of the brotherhoods are engage in a rather practical kind of mysticisc, usually culminating dzikir coupled with rhythmic movements of the body. Members are usually unsophisticated fishermen and peasants and their activities are often cause comminication gaps and isolation from the rest of population. Most feel they tend to neglect the worldly duties.

Islamic values dominate the Baweanese code of bahaviour. They distinguish among allowed, encouraged, tolerated and forbidden behaviour an the law of The Koran. According to ultimate ideal, a Baweanese should live merantau, in Singapore or Malaya, to get perfect knowledge of The Koran and Hadits, go for pilgrimage to Mecca and then settle in Bawean as kiai. Some younger generation might take a looser religious attitude, certainly outside the island, but conform to the Islamic rules one he returns in fear of criticism and even ostracism by Bawean society.

Extensive experience as a migrant considerably enhances one’s prestige. However, boasting is abhorred. Unwillingness to participate in mutual cooperation or gotong royong such as building mosque is criticized. Abhorred and feared are the activities of tokang seher, the magician who uses magic for actisocial purposes. The society tolerates magic of minor importance, but in severe cases when tokang seher is considered to be against the society interests, they will liquidate him.

from various source

Terima Kasih from Sriwijaya, Indonesia : the soul of Tibetan Tong-Len Meditation

Anand Krishna (an India Indonesian decent cross-belief spiritualist, nationalist, humanist, and a historian) had a  meeting with His Holiness Dalai Lama in 1996. When he and his friends said they were from Indonesia, Dalai Lama immediately reacted that Tibet had very strong relations, strong ties to Indonesia. Dalai Lama then mentioned Dharmakirti

Dharmakirti was master from Sriwijaya, perhaps prince from the Sriwijayan Empire, who had chosen to be a monk.There was a monk from India, Atisha, and he went to Indonesia to learn from Indonesia master, he said. Atisha then went to Tibet and then he propagated the knowledge he received from his masters. The meditation he taught is still practiced by Tibetans, called as Tong-Len, means ‘the meditation of terima and kasih, receiving and giving’. In english, terimakasih meaning is thank you. It reflects Indonesian life view, and rooted deep in Indonesian belief. Indonesian believe in the law or gratitude and it has been there since long time ago, a grateful attitude for all we receive from the universe.

In the period of Sriwijaya, 8 centuries ago, Indian pundit visited Sumatera, or known as Svarna Dvipa to learn from Dharmakirti Suvarnadvipi, Dharmakirti of Svarna Dvipa. He learnt for 10 years from Dharmakirti and he recorded every word he heard and every lesson he was taught. No wonder if Tibetan has this record, but unfortunately, Indonesian does not have any.

Tong-Len meditation, later, used by Tibetan doctors. The first part of the meditation is terima or receiving. They imagine the patients’ pain and draw it into themselves. and the second part is they give their energy of well-being, kasih or giving. This technique replaced their herb-based anesthesia. And this occured 8 centuries ago. The beauty of this methode is that the recipient of pain can process pain and transform it into well being. Negative energy can be drawn into oneself, be processed and changed to be positive one. The method is being practiced by western neurologist, as part of transcranial magnetic stimulation therapy, to relieve the suffering of some stroke victims.

A professor at University of Sydney said that he had no clue whats going on by the method, and this phenomenon indicated that there were lots of things that they did not know about in western science. He continued that in 2020, the greatest disabling phenomenon for the health of the human race would be depression. Not cancer, not heart disease, but depression. This drug-free method from Indonesia could replace morphine-based pain killers, that is expensive and can have side effects.

Anand Krishna could never forget when Dalai Lama said “We Tibetans are always thankful to Indonesia and Indonesians, for this beautiful Tong Len teaching.”

Indonesian gratefulness after someone said terima kasih is kembali kasih which means ‘i am equally grateful to you’. Sure it is different than American ‘welcome’ and British ‘never mind’, as Indonesian return ‘gratitude with gratitude’ .

Indonesia was a center of wisdom in the past and did not import spiritual from India as even Indian pundits traveled to Indonesia to learn from indigenous Indonesian masters. Maybe not many people know about this.

Source jakartapost and wikipedia

Timun Mas Tale : Tale about Hard Work for Children

Timun Mas was a beautiful, smart and brave girl. That was why her mother loved her so much. Oneday when a giant wanted to eat her, she could escaped and defeated him. And this is the story…

Once upon a time in Central Java, lived a widow. He husband died few years ago, and she lived alone as she had no children. She always wanted to have a child to spend her day. She prayed day and night that she would have children. One night she dreamed that she met a giant that asked her to forest where she usually went for woods, there she should took something wrapped under big tree. When she woke up she did not really believe it. She was thinking that miracle seemed to be impossible. She tried to remove her doubt and went to the wood as he dream. She did not find a baby wrapped under big tree, but cucumber seed. She wondered why would the giant gave her cucumber seed?

Giant came behind her and laugh. The widow was scared as said ” Please do not eat me, Giant. I want to live”

The Giant said ” Do not be afraid, i will not eat you. Do you want a child, don’t you? If so, plant the seed and you will have baby girl. But remember, you should give her to me when she grow up, and i will eat her’.

The widow spontaneously said yes as she really wanted a child. The Giant disappeared after the widow   stated her agreement.  The widow plant the seed and took care of the plants well. 2 months later it has fruit, only one fruit. The fruit was getting bigger and bigger and the size was bigger than usual cucumber, and the color was golden color. When the fruit ripe, she picked it and brought it into her hut. When she cut the cucumber, she found a beautiful baby girl inside it. She named her Timun Mas or Golden Cucumber.

She was so happy. She raised her with love. Timun mas grew up as pretty young lady that made her mother proud. She was also smart and very gentle and polite. The widow loved her very much. The widow forgot that one day she should give her daughter to The Giant.

One night, The Giant came to The Widow’s dream and he said that within one week he would come to pick Timun Mas up. When she woke up she was very sad. She knew that The Giant had an evil nature, as he would make Timun Mas as meal. Timun Mas worried seeing her mother dreamy everyday for few days. She asked her ” Mother, what bothers you that lately you look very sad?” Actually The Widow did not want to tell her daughter, as she did not want her daughter to be sad and worry. But as her daughter insisted, she finally told her about how she got baby, and the Giant condition. Timun Mas was shocked knowing this. She said she did not want to be picked up by The Giant, as she loved her mother.

The Widow tried to find away to save her daughter’s life. And finally she found an idea about asking Timun Mas to pretend to be sick. As The Giant said in The Widow dream, at dusk on that day, The Giant appeared to her hut. He asked ” Where is the girl? I want to take her now”. The Widow answered ” My apologies, but she is very sick now. If you eat her now, she would not be delicious enough. What if you come here three days later, i will make her recovery first”. The Giant agreed and left the hut.

The Widow then thought about other way to save her daughter. She went to an ascetic living on a mountain slope. She told the ascetic as told him her problem. He would like to help. He gave a small pack to The Widow, the contains are cucumber seed, needle, salt and shrimp pasta (terasi). She accept the pack, said her gratitude to the ascetic and returned home. She gave the pack to her daughter and asked her to prepare when The Giant came.

Three days later, the Giant came to her hut and he asked her to bring Timun Mas to him. She called Timun Mas. The Giant was happy to know that the girl had grew up. But Timun Mas ran as fast as she could. The Giant after her. After she ran for quiet long distance, she was exhausted. She open the packed gave by her mother, and she throw cucumber seed. Miraculously, the forest where where she was turned to large cucumber field. Cucumber tendril crept over The Giant’s body. But he could release himself after trying hard. He ran after Timun Mas again. Timun Mas threw needles and suddenly  the area was covered by tall and sharp bamboos. The Giant, again, could through the bamboo forest though his feel were bleeding by the bamboos. Timun Mas threw salt from the pack and miraculously the forest she was in became a wide and deep ocean, but again The Giant could cross it. Timun Mas worried as she only had one weapon left, terasi. If this could not stop him forever, she will be The Giant’s meal. She threw terasi and miraculously a boiling ocean of mud was created. The Giant died inside the mud ocean. Timun Mas was safe.

Timun Mas returned to her mother and they lived together happily.

This tale is very popular among Indonesian children. The message of this tale is that by hard work, nothing is impossible. The Widow and Timun Mas tried hard to save Timun Mas from The Giant, and finally they could make it.

Campur Sari : Blend of Javanese and Western Music

Campursari music is a mode and also a phenomenon evolving among Javanese  and even non-Javanese that have sympathy to Javanese music. This music genre is a mix of gamelan (pentatonic) and western music (diatonic). The advent of Campursari created pro and cons especially from karawitan experts. But Camputsari has its own composition. Campursari is not uyon-uyon, or keroncong or dangdut.

Campursari appeared through a long process. Firstly emerged in 1960s to 1970s on regular program of Radio Republic Indonesia (RRI) of Semarang with vocalist S Dharmanto. He blended keroncong with gender and siter instrument and this blend was later called as campursari.

The blend of pentatonic and diatonic was not a careless mixture. When the first time Manthou’s created campursari, he should harmonized gender and saron and adapted then to keyboard. Campursari music can play dangdut music but only the rhyme that can be campursari-ed. But not every song can be campursari-ed.

Campursari has ben well known in Central Java, Yogyakarta, East Java, Jakarta and other regions of Indonesia with Javanese community. It is even popular in Suriname and Holland.

According to sources, Campursari was pioneered by Ki Nartosabdo and Manthou’s (Phenomenology of a Puppet Theatre: Contemplations on the Art of Javanese by Jan Mrázek). Pulular canpursari singers are ; Didi Kempot, Waljinah, Manthous, Nurhana, Anik Sunyahni, Sulasmi, Koko Thole, Cak Dikin, Sonny Josz,

Campursari is accepted well by Javanese, that it is played as entertainment in various occasion such as wedding, circumcision, or other celebrating event.